Keeping
a journalist like Moldosali Ibraimov out of jail can be a full-time job.
Despite recently spending a month in jail without a trial, despite
living in a country which a U.S. congressman recently said is seeing
"a severe crackdown on the media," and despite the recent
birth of his sixth child, Ibraimov has decided to headline his latest
investigative report "Criminal-Judge."
Ibraimov, in fact, was part of the
inspiration for a Eurasia Foundation grant, which pays the expenses of a
full-time lawyer to travel around the Kyrgyz Republic trying to free
wrongly accused journalists from prison and keep news companies open.
Prior to this grant, journalists had generally been defended on a
case-by-case basis. With journalists increasingly under fire from both
local government officials, however, and a national government
backsliding on its pledges of democracy, the need has intensified for a
lawyer to be on-call to aid journalists.
Though he spends much of his time
farming a patch of land to feed his growing family, Ibraimov’s real
vocation is taking on local officials, which he does by acting as a
volunteer public defender, using his extensive personal experience with
the law and its officers, and by writing scathing reports of their
activities.
About a year ago, Ibraimov stepped over
the line when he wrote that a local judge was rumored to have accepted a
$15,000 bribe. This immediately landed him in jail, and soon he was
facing a two-year sentence and a $200 fine—more than a year’s salary
in his area. Fortunately, Internews Kyrgyzstan, an organization that
trains journalists and, increasingly, defends them, interceded on
Ibraimov’s behalf. Internews was able to free him, relying largely on
social pressure. "They told the whole world, by Internet and
fax," Ibraimov says. "If it wasn’t for that, I would still
be in jail." But other cases in the Kyrgyz Republic have proven
tougher to resolve, and journalists have not been able to afford their
own legal defense. Internews decided a full-time lawyer was needed.
To fund the lawyer, Internews turned to
the Eurasia Foundation and the World Press Freedom Committee. As part of
its overall goal of assisting local organizations in their efforts to
create democratic societies, the Eurasia Foundation has been supporting
journalists in the Kyrgyz Republic and throughout the former Soviet
Union for nearly a decade. The World Press Freedom Committee, too, has
worked on similar legal assistance programs in former communist
countries.
Both organizations felt that a
dedicated lawyer would be cost-effective while ensuring that journalists
in trouble had quick access to counsel—and might even deter government
officials from filing harassment suits. In fall 2000, the World Press
Freedom Committee agreed to pay the lawyer’s salary, and the
Foundation agreed to cover travel expenses with a $2,200 grant. With
this financial backing, Internews chose Akmat Alagushev as its new
lawyer.
In the Kyrgyz Republic, few lawyers
have much training or experience in media law, and Alagushev is no
exception. But over the past year, he has proven to be a good choice due
to his unique experience and perspective. Before he started championing
journalists, he worked in the prosecutor’s office, where he once
prosecuted a journalist that he would later defend. His other strength
is his equilibrium—a sort of lawyer’s bedside manner—that proves
useful either when delivering bad news to clients or enduring the
demands of his job, which puts him on the road at least twice a month.
He regularly crams aboard small airplanes; drives over roads with more
potholes than pavement; and faces border guards fishing for bribes who
can detain him for hours.
A Lawyer for the Accused Journalist in
Any Part of the Country
Ten
miles from Ibraimov’s village, in the regional center of Jalal-Abad,
two of Alagushev’s current clients are behind bars. The first is
Samagan Orozaliev, a video journalist sentenced to nine years for
allegedly using critical reportage to blackmail local officials. The
second is Mukhtar Topchiev, his driver, who received an eight-year
sentence for acting as an accessory. Outsiders are regularly denied
permission to visit either man, who were arrested in May 2001. Even
Orozaliev’s mother is barred by police from seeing her son, despite
written permission from the sentencing judge.
Orozaliev’s problems started last
year, when he returned to his hometown, Jalal-Abad, to prepare a series
of reports on corruption in that city. As part of his report, he was
investigating a local Member of Parliament, Ergesh Torubayev. The
interviews with Torubayev’s opponents and the footage of the MP’s
large house may have contrasted too sharply with the conditions of his
constituents. Torubayev, in fact, alleged that the reportage was so
unflattering that the journalist threatened to air it unless he pay
$1,200. When Orozaliev was arrested, police found $300 in his pocket,
allegedly a down payment on the blackmail, and bullets in Topchiev’s
car, leading to a weapons charge against the driver. After the arrests,
several other local officials stepped forward and said that Orozaliev
had tried to blackmail them, too.
The two men maintain their innocence,
but Alagushev and Sooronbai Karabaev, the local lawyer who is acting as
lead counsel, have not even begun arguing the facts. "We’re not
looking at guilt or innocence yet," says Alagushev. "There are
just too many procedural irregularities that we need to begin
with." These irregularities include, for example: the prosecutors’
selection of just a few of the dozens of videotapes Orozaliev had shot
in order to give the impression that he intended to attack the
officials; how the additional charges of blackmail quickly accumulated
after he had been arrested; and the question of whether reportage has a
value that can be used as blackmail.
Alagushev says he will have a better
chance when the case reaches the supreme court in the capital, Bishkek,
away from the MP’s influence in Jalal-Abad.
Even as he continues to work to free
Orozaliev and Topchiev, more cases keep arriving for Alagushev’s help.
Next on his list are a suit against the newspaper Delo Nommer for
allegedly slandering a tax inspector and a $100,000 suit against Ordo
for insulting a sugar factor manager. Alagushev is well aware that it is
not just local officials who attack journalists.
While the Kyrgyz Republic has been
praised in the past for its progressive reforms, the plight of its news
media has drawn increased international scrutiny following the country’s
questionable parliamentary elections in 2000. "In the last few
years, almost all of the opposition and independent newspapers have been
forced to close," U.S. Representative Christopher Smith,
co-chairman of the U.S. Commission on Security and Cooperation in
Europe, said recently. But journalists who "aren’t scared to tell
it straight," as Ibraimov puts it, will continue to have access to
a defense lawyer whose experience is growing every day. They will also
have the support of the Eurasia Foundation, which continues to look for
innovative ways to promote freedom of the press.